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  • Memory Disabled, the Limited Details of an Inescapable Experience of Cabeza de Vaca

    Smith and Watson explain that memory and trauma are often “the problem of recalling and re-creating a past life [that] involves organizing the inescapable but often disabling force of memory and negotiating its fragmentary intrusions with increasing, if partial, understanding” in their guide, Reading Autobiography (RA 27-28). The idea of a “disabling force of memory” that victims experience after going through a trauma could explain the brief recollection Cabeza de Vaca gives after a storm has destroyed his fartyg in The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca (RA 27). Cabeza de Vaca dedicates less than a paragraph to the destruction of his ship. Cabeza dem Vaca recalls that when he did not see his fartyg in port he went to the woods to search “and walking through them a quarter of a league from the water, we found the roddbåt of one of the ships on the top of some trees, and ten lea

    Cabeza de Vaca? Or Cabeza dem Mentiras?

    When reading the first part of The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca, the concept of Authenticity as found in Smith and Watson’s text, strikes some curiosity in the reader.  This specific aspect of autobiographies focuses on who tells the story and what parts of the story they consider to be significant.  Smith and Watson also question if this person’s life may be of interest to a broad public, or if it could be a popular read.  Another part asks how and at what points in the text is the narrating “I” asserted.  All of these different aspects of an autobiography can help unfold the authenticity of what was written.  These aspects question the motive of what has been said and to what extent the readers can hold the author truthful.  While this appears as one of the only texts from this adventure, there can be no way now to ensure what actually happened on this voyage, but one can be sure that Cabeza de Vaca has gone down in history memorably as som

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  • Learning From Cabeza De Vaca

    South Texas´ archeological records covering the last 9,000 years are remarkably consistent with what can be gleaned from 16th- and 17th-century ethnohistoric accounts describing how the region´s inhabitants used the landscape. When the first Europeans entered the region, all of the native peoples were hunters and gatherers who probably organized themselves according to lineages and groups of lineages. They lived in temporary villages the Spanish called rancherías that contained from a few to 100 mat-covered dwellings large enough to accommodate one or more families. They moved about the landscape and congregated in accordance with the seasonal availability of staple resources within their homelands, some of which were more than 100 miles across and overlapped with neighboring groups' territories. For subsistence, they depended on wild plant foods”notably prickly pear cactus, various roots, fruits, and nuts” along with g